INTRODUCTION: Jean, The Bastard of Orleans, did not become the Count of Dunois until 1439. In Joan's time he was Count of Mortain and of Porcien-en-Rhetélois only. He was known and called by his 'nickname' either "THE BASTARD" or "BASTARD." This usage was not meant as a slur, insult or a title of dishonor in Joan's time but was used in a mater of fact manner.


CHAPTER 1: Mme. Marie-Veronique Clin, who is the Director of the Medical Museum in Paris and the Home of Joan of Arc in Orleans, believes she has found proof to support her belief that Joan had some shade of BLUE eyes. This proof is found with in the trial documents where it states that Jehanne had "very clear eyes." At this time of history the term 'VERY CLEAR EYES' is equivalent to saying in our time, that Joan had blue eyes.

2) Monseigneur Henri De Ville-sur-Lillon was bishop of Toul from 1400 until his death in 1439.

3) The eminent French archeologist, Henri Bataille, has spent his entire professional life in the investigation of and the reconstruction of the castle of Vaucouleurs. According to his research, the twenty-foot high Port of France that is seen today was rebuilt in 1734. The original structure was a watchtower approximately 66 feet high!


CHAPTER 4: It was not until the reign of Charles VIII (Charles VII's grandson) that the secret between Joan and Charles VII may have been revealed. Since the source is second hand it is hard to know for sure the truth of the matter, but it does seem reasonable. One Pierre Sala related the story. He states that in his youth a certain Lord de Boissy, a close friend to Charles VII, related what King Charles VII had told him. One day when he still was Dauphin he had gone apart to pray. In this prayer he asked God to defend and protect him if he was the true and rightful heir to the throne of France. If not, that God would allow him the mercy to flee safely to either Scotland or Spain.

Since, if true, this prayer showed Charles to be a coward and doubting his own legitimacy, it would be reason enough for Joan to want to conceal this embarrassing information from the enemy.


CHAPTER 5: It is interesting to note that the process and procedures that were followed at Joan's Poitiers trial were the same as she experienced at Rouen. The only difference between the two trials were the churchmen's point of view. At Poitiers the coutr was pro-French,where as at Rouen they were pro-English.


CHAPTER 6: The French Historian, Pierre MAROT, in his book: JOAN THE GOOD LORRAINER AT DOMREMY, states on page 28 the following order of the D' Arc family birth's. - Jacquemin, - Catherine, - Jean, - Pierre - and Jeanne.

On pages 3& 4 of volume one, of Albert Bigelow Paine's two volume work JOAN OF ARC: MAID OF FRANCE, he states: page 3 "She (Joan VF) was the youngest child of Jacques d' Arc and Isabelle Romee." On page 4 he states: "Jacquemin, Jean and Pierre… a much older sister (Catherine VF)"

It is important to remember that during Joan's time birth records were not kept. Therefore it is hard to say with certainty what exact order Joan's birth occurred. But most historians believe that she was the last child born to Jacques d'Arc and Isabelle Romée.


CHAPTER 7: 1) In 1898, the French scholar Leon Gautier, compiled the code of chivalry from his studies of medieval manuscripts. In Joan's day there was no written code of ethics for a knight. Their behavior was based on honor, obedience and loyalty to their Lord and the Church.


2): Armor was applied in this order: first, the foot and leg armor. Second, the backplate and then the breastplate was attached. Thirdly, the plates for the arms and then the gauntlets were applied. Finally the helmet was placed upon the head.


CHAPTER 9: Because of the arcane language used in the original Proclamation of Charles the Seventh, (see below) I asked Mr. Dominique Magnier to comment on what was actually being said and its significance.

There are four possible ways to understand the text:

1) When Jeanne first came near the city of Orleans, she had a vision of angels who invited her to go to Guy de Cailli's castle in Reuilly, which is near the village of Checy. Guy de Cailli had a similar vision of these angels.

Note: There were a lot of people around Jeanne and Guy de Cailli when she arrive across the river from Orleans and I think the "welcome" at this castle was prepared well in advance of her coming.

2) Jeanne had visions of angels telling her to go to Orleans to end the siege (as we know). The king says in his proclamation that Guy de Cailli was given the heavenly favor of being able to see these angels as well, but the document does not states where and when De Cailli actually saw them only that Jeanne herself told the Dauphin that this was the case.

3) Jeanne spend the night in de Cailli's castle, I think that it is most likely that de Cailli saw the heavenly apparition then.

4) Father Ayroles thought that perhaps De Cailli saw the angels with Jeanne when she was alone to pray just before the last assault of the Tourelles but there is absolutely no proof of that.

One last though:

Many academics believe that Guy de Cailli made this entire story up in order to win favor with the Dolphin Charles. They obviously have not looked at the original document because it bares Charles' personal seal. In addition, this "story" was told to the Dolphin by Jeanne herself, as is stated in the document. And it was Jeanne, herself who personally recommended Gui de Cailli to the king (this too is noted in the document)... So, if we listen to these experts, we come to the conclusion that Guy de Cailli AND Jeanne were liars and the King was an idiot!


Comments on the Kings document by Fr. Ayroles:

It is necessary to note here the expressions with which Charles VII proclaims the debt he owes to Jeanne d'Arc. The merits of Jeanne towards him were infinite. With the deliverance of Orleans, Jeanne gives the Dauphin a heavenly pledge that the enemy would be driven from all the places and cities that they occupied.

In the proclamation ennobling Guy de Cailli, Jeanne affirms that de Cailli was favored with the apparition of these angels. This assertion, that was so formally made, gives great credence to Jeanne's Rouen statement that the king also was favored with seeing her saints.



English Translation of the French Text

of King Charles the Seventh's Proclamation Ennobling Guy de Cailli

Translated by Dominique Magnier and Robert Wirth


(Their translation starts with an explanation of the original document by Father Ayroles)

A presentation of the letter by Father Ayroles (Tome III "la libératrice", p.331-333):

"Before being personally ennobled, the Maid was ennobled through the person of Guy de Cailli, for whom she had requested this honor. The merits of the Maid are exalted there in terms, which are not exceeded in the letters, which confer the nobility to her and her family.

Guy de Cailli was holder of the castle of Reuilly, which is about two kilometers from Chécy, when Jeanne, coming for the first time to Orleans, passed the Loire opposite this village. Jeanne was received at Reuilly; and the fortunate one of Cailli followed himself in the steps of the one that had done him this honor. The following piece will say to us that in consideration of Jeanne, the angels wanted well to show themselves visibly to the devoted knight. Guy de Cailli accompanied Jeanne, when, before the supreme assault on the Tourelles, she herself went out-of the Tourelles [retired to a secluded place] to pray. It would be on this occasion that he would have been favored by a view of the angels.

These letters are given in June 1429 at Sully. The exact day is not indicated; it is thus in other pieces of this nature. As these letters speak only of the raising of the siege of Orleans, it is likely that the writer had not yet seen the wonders of the day of Patay. The preservation of this document is due to the famous learned Provençal Nicolas-Claude de Peiresc, to whom Aix recently put up a well-deserved statue. The bishop of Carpentras, Inguimbert, bought the library and the manuscripts of Peiresc. They make today the embellishment and the glory of the library of his episcopal city.

The present letter refers to the register X(= ten), with other pieces about Jeanne d'Arc... Quicherat inserted these letters in volume V, on the copy sent by the librarian of Carpentras.

The following translation was done from the text of Quicherat:

"Charles, by the grace of God king of the French, for perpetual memory.

"We are pleased to keep before our eyes the immensity of benefits with which Heaven fills us in our expeditions against our mortal enemies, and, before everything, the capital favor by which, while our affairs always went in decline, the siege of Orleans was so fortunately broken.

This favor was given us principally under the auspices, by the happy arrival, under the leadership of the illustrious Maid Jeanne d'Arc of Domrémy, of whom the credits for our rights are for us infinite. It is only just to say that in entering into this city to defend it and to push back our enemies the English, the Maid gave us a foretaste and a pledge that we could easily recover the other cities and towns. Also, helped by a singular favor, the said Jeanne, while our rewards could not equal the magnitude of her services, this is not enough; we must spread this favor to the warriors renowned by a long profession of arms who, for the raising of a siege so memorable, hurried to assist her; of whom she much used the works and the fervor in the various combats around the said town and in the battles that followed afterward.

"Among these warriors, our well-beloved Jeanne of Domremy principally recommended to us, for his extreme diligence and his fidelity to fight at her side, Guy de Cailli, a most honorable man by the honesty of his life, notable citizen and of talent in the city of Orleans, entrusted with all the occupations of noblemen. Also do we desire to decorate him with emblems of honor that will be for his person and his posterity, a perpetual increase of rank.

"We show now to the knowledge of all present and those to come in the future, that, duly informed of the beautiful services of the same Guy de Cailli, knowing how he helped with all his power the good preparation of the same Jeanne to our cause, how he received her in his castle of Reuilly, close to Checy, when for the first time she approached Orleans, following divine apparitions of angels, celestial favor with which the same Guy de Cailli was favored, as well as we were totally informed by Jeanne herself.

"Considering these things and also the numerous and various services that he has given us for so a long time, and those that he promises to return us still in the future, we ennoble the said Guy de Cailli who already gave himself and lived as a noble person; we ennoble his posterity, masculine and feminine, born or to be born in legitimate marriage. By special grace of God, of certain knowledge and fullness of our strength, we declare them noble, and, as need be, we do them again and create such, granting expressly that he and all his posterity, born or to be born, in their acts, in justice and outside of judicial acts, are held to be noble.

"We confer on them the right to enjoy and to use peacefully the privileges, liberties, prerogatives and rights, of which the other nobles of our kingdom coming from noble race have the custom to enjoy; we put the same Guy of Cailli and his aforesaid posterity to the rank of the other nobles of the kingdom coming from noble race; wishing that he and his masculine posterity, all the times that it shall please them, "the chivalry harness" of some knight that this be, and to be honored by all other higher distinctions.

"In addition, as need be, we grant to him and to his aforesaid posterity, to be able to obtain, noble persons or not, of the fiefs, sub-fiefs, and noble possessions; and, acquisition done, to keep them, hold and possess in perpetuity, without which, in the present or the future, no one may, by whatever way that may be, to force them to disseise themselves; and without being held to account, or to any one of our officers any sum; discharges that, by additional increase, had consideration to this that was said, we gave and granted to the same Guy de Cailli, that we give to him and grant by these presents.

"At last, in memory of the mentioned apparitions, we granted and grant by these presents to the same Guy de Cailli, and to his aforesaid posterity, to carry in their arms as an emblem of their perpetual nobility, three heads of angels of the high winged and barbed hierarchies, flaming color, on an azure coat of arms enriched with silver, as the aforesaid De Cailli believes to have seen these pure spirits in the apparition mentioned; that he might affix and cause to be affixed these arms wherever he will want, as we have granted to him, and grant him by these presents, where the model is designed, hoping well he will continue to us his services.

"This is the reason that our trusty and well-beloved friends, the people of our court, our general counselors on the acts and governance of all our finances, our Bailli of Orleans, our other justiciars and officers or their lieutenants, present and futures, and that each of them, according to how it will appertain to each, be watchful to the execution of the mandement given by these presents, to know that to perpetual memory they do and leave in peace the said Guy de Cailli, his posterity born and to be born, of our present favor, ennoblement, donation, receipt and concession; that they do not prevent them and manhandle in any thing against the content of these presents, and that they not suffer that they to this subject prevented or manhandled by anyone, whosoever they may be.

"To give constant force to these presents, we there affixed, in the absence of the great seal, our personal seal, reserve made in all other things of our rights, and in all things of the rights of others.

"Given at Sully, in the month of June of the year of our Lord MCCCCXXIX, of our reign the seventh."

And on the fold is written: "By the king, the bishop of Séez present, and signed: LEPICARD. And are sealed by a large seal of green wax, with silk ribbons red and green, a double tail." -----


LATIN text from Quicherat


{Ennobling of Guy de Cailli, companion of the Maid}

{End of June 1429}


Pièce communiqée par M. Lambert, bibliothécaire de Carpentras, d'après le manuscrit nº X, de Peiresc, à la bibliothèque de la même ville. Ce manuscrit paraît contenir une partie des matériaux avec lesquels M. Charles du Lys composa son Traité sommaire du nom et des armes de la Pucelle, ainsi que le Recueil des inscriptions composées pour le monument du pont d'Orléans.

{Piece imparted by M. Lambert, librarian of Carpentras, according to Manuscript No. X. from Pieresc, in the library of the same city. This manuscript appears to contain one part of the material with which M[onsieur] Charles du Lys composed his summary treatise on the the name and the [shield of] arms of the Maid, just as the collection of the inscriptions composed for the monument of the bridge of Orleans.}

CAROLUS, Dei gratia Francorum rex, ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

Colestem nobis ante oculos ponentes divinorum erga nos beneficiorum immensitatem in nostris adversus hostes nostros capitales bellicis expeditionibus; ac principaliter quanti fuerit momenti, rebus nostris inclinantibus, Aurelianensis obsidionis felicissima repulsio, quæ potissimum peracta est sub auspiciis et felici adventu ed conductu inclytæ Puellæ ac de nobis in infinitum meritæ Johannæ d'Arc de Dompremio, ita ut merito dici possit aditum et ingressum dictæ Puellæ in istam civitatem ad eam defendendam et arcendos inde dictos hostes Anglicos, nobis faciliorem aditum ad alias civitates et urbes nostras recuperandas promittere et prænuntiare: idcirco singulari favore prosequentes non solum dictam Johannam cujus remunerationi satis contribuere non possumus, sed etiam viros bellicosos et armorum antiqua professione conspicuos, qui dictæ Johannæ in tam celebri obsidione levanda præsto fuerunt, et quorum opera et studio usa est quamplurimum in præliis et conflictibus variis circa dictam civitatem et postea continuo huc usque factis; inter quos ab eadem valde dilecta nostra Johanna de Dompremio dicta præcipue nobis commendatum, ob summam ejus diligentiam et assiduam cum ea dimicationem, Guidonem de Cailli, virum in primis honestate morum laudabilem et intercivis dictæ civitatis Aurelianensis præcipuum et industrium, obnibus denique nobilium virorum exercitationibus deditum,congruis insigniis decorare desiderantes, quæ sibi et posteritati suæ perpetuum sint ad honoris incrementum; Notum facimus universis præsentibus et futuris quod nos, certiores facti servitorum egregiorum dicti Guidonis de Cailli, et quantum omni sua potestate bonam erga nos præmemoratæ Johannæ voluntatem secundaverit, eam in arce Rulliaca prope Checiacum excipiendo, quum primum in urbem.

Aureliam induceretur divina angelorum apparitione invitata, cujus eodem colesti favore fuerit dictus Guido de Cailli particeps, ut plenius fuimus per eam informati; quorum consideratione et aliorum multorum servitorum quæ per longa tempora nobis multipliciter impendit et in posterum impendere continuo promittit; Nos eumdem prænominatum Guidonem de Cailli, jam olim inter nobiles et pro nobili se gerentem, ac ejus familiam masculinam et fomininam in legitimo matrimonio natam et nascituram, nobilitamus ac Dei gratia speciali et ex nostra certa scientia, ac de plenitudine poestatis nostræ, nobiles dicimus et, in quantum opus esset de novo facimus et creamus; concedentes expresse ut ipse ac sua posteritas nata et nascitura in suis actibus, in judico et extra, pro nobilibus habeantur; et eos habiles reddimus ut privilegiis, libertatibus et aliis prærogativis et juribus quibus cæteri nobiles nostri regni, ex nobili gente procreati, uti consuevere et utuntur, gaudeant pacifice, et utantur; ac eumdem Guidonem de Cailli et ejus posteritatem prædictam aliorum nobilium dicti regni ex nobili stirpe procreatorum consortio aggregamus: volentes etiam ut ipse et ejus posteritas masculina, dum et quoties eis placuerit, a quocumque milite cingulum militiæ valeant adipisci et aliis quibuscumque sublimioribus titulus decorari; eidem, in quantum opus esset, ejusque posteritati prædictæ insuper concedentes ut feuda et retrofeuda resque nobiles a nobilibus et quibuscumque aliis personis acquirere; et jam acquisitas retinere, tenere et possidere perpetuo valeant, absque eo quod illas nunc vel futuro tempore extra manus suas ponere quovis modo compellantur, et absque eo quod nobis seu officiariis nostris quamlibet finantiam solvere teneantur; quam quidem finantiam dicto Guidoni de Cailli, in favorem præmissorum, dedimus et quitavimus, damus et quitamus de ampliori gratia per præsentas. Ac ipsi denique et prædictæ posteritati, in favorem pariter prædictæ apparitionis, tria capita superiorum angelorum ignei coloris et splendoris, alata et barbata in scuto cæruleo et deargentato (1), prout in dicta apparitione vidisse crediderit, ad perpetuæ nobilitatis insignia gestare. et ubicumque voluerit apponere et apponi mandare, concessimus, ac per præsentes, ut in ipsis depicta sunt, concedimus in spem continuandorum nobis servitorum suorum.

Quocirca dilectis et fidelibus gentibus compotorum nostrorum ac generalibus consiliariis nostris super facto et regimine omnium finantiarum nostrarum, baillivo nostro Aurelianensi cæterisque justiciariis et officiariis nostris eorumve loca tenentibus, præsentibus et futuris, et ipsorum cuilibet, prout ad eum pertinuerit, harum serie damus in mandatis quatenus dictum Guidonem de Cailli ejusque posteritatem prædictam, natam et nascituram, nostra præsenti gratia, nobilitatione, donatione, quittantia et concessione uti ed gaudere pacifice et perpetuo faciant et permittant, et contra tenorum præsentium ipsos nullatenus impediant seu molestent, aut a quocumque molestari vel impediri patiantur. Quæ ut perpetuæ firmitatis robur obtineant, sigillum nostrum in absentia magni ordinatum præsentibus litteris duximus apponendum, in aliis nostro, in omnibus quolibet alieno jure semper salvo.

Datum Sulliaci, mense junio anno Domini MCCCCXXIXo, regni vero nostri VIIo.

Et sur le reply est escript: Per Regem, episcopo Sagiensi præsente.

Et signé: LEPICARD. Et sont scellées du grant sceau de cire verte en lacs de soye rouge et verte, à double queue.

  1. Ces armes se blasonnent ainsi en français: "D'azur rehaussé d'argent à trois têtes de chérubins ailées et barbelées de couleur flamboyant qui est d'or ombré de gueules." Cette traduction se trouve dans un projet de lettres patentes rédigées par Charles du Lys et tendant à faire concéder à l'un de ses fils qui s'etait marié à une demoiselle de Cailly, le droit de porter les armes de Cailly en coeur par-dessus l'écartelé des armes d'Arc et du Lys. (Même Ms., fol. 404). Je n'ai pas cru devoir reproduire ces lettres dont le texte, moins la caluse en question, est identiquement celui de la pièce no LVI du présent volume, p. 225.


The French historian and expert of heraldry, Mr. Jean-Claud COLRAT of Orleans, France, has this to say about the above document. Guy de Cailli was a middle class well to do farmer. At the time of Joan's arrival he did not live in a castle but a farmhouse. Guy did not use the coat of arms but his descendants did.


CHAPTER 10: I was granted permission to use of the following information by Mr. David Kerr. Mr. Kerr is a Scot who lives in Glasgow and is a reporter for the BBC. His article that I am using, was originally published by Scottish Catholic Observer May of 2009(16.IV.09). He quoted form

The Scots arrive in France: "Consumers of mutton and wine." That was the fairly dismissive description, which met the Scottish soldiers who arrived in France in the autumn 1419. The French attitude changed dramatically when on Easter Sunday 1421, the Scottish army decisively defeated the English at the Loire town of Baugé.

Following the victory, the Dauphin was quick to recognize the valor of his Scottish forces. He'd already created a personal bodyguard for himself consisting solely of Scots, the Garde Ecossaise.

The Relief of Orléans: Joan was led into the besieged city of Orléans on April 29th, 1429, to the celebratory skirl of the Scottish pipes. The tune played for her was "Hey Tuttie Taiti". The same tune that had marched Robert the Bruce into battle at Bannockburn a century before. The same tune that Robert Burns would set to his poem "Scots Wha Hae" centuries later.

Her escort consisted of 60 Scottish men-at-arms and 70 Scottish archers led by Sir Patrick Ogilvy of Auchterhouse, hereditary sheriff of Angus.


The French were unable to pronounce Glasdale's name correctly. The best they could say was Classidas. The word Godon was the name used by the French when speaking about the English. The French got the term from the English themselves, because the English constantly used the phrase, 'god damn', in their speech.



JEAN BRITAIN - a college lecturer and historical researcher on the life and times of Captain Hugh Kennedy, kindly provided me with the factual information concerning this gallant knight's life. What we do know for certain is this; before Hugh's death, he was reconciled with the Roman Catholic Church when the Pope of Rome lifted his excommunication.


The factual information about the life of Bishop Jean de Saint-Michel or as he was known in Scotland, John Carmichael came from original French documents that Mr. Jean-Claude COLRAT of Orleans, France translated into English for me.

In 1420 the then Baron Carmichael arrived in France as part of Sir John Steward's army. In 1421 Baron Carmichael valiantly took part in the battle of Baugé. In 1426 the Baron Jean became the 81st Bishop of Orleans by the acclaimed of the people of Orleans. The Dauphin Charles and the Archbishop of Reims, Regnault de Chartres, approved of this appointment.

Bishop Jean de Saint-Michel fled the city after the disastrous failure of the battle of the Herrings, which occurred on February 12, 1429. He returned to the city with the military reinforcements on May 4th. He died in 1438.


CHAPTER 13 The description of the Tourelles' defenses came from the model created by Lucien Harmery for the Centre de Jehanne D' Arc Museum, located in the city of Orleans, France.


CHAPTER 14: The people of Orleans never forgot what God did for them through Saint Joan's hard work and inspiration. Two years after her death with the help and financial support of Gilles de Rais, the city started celebrating the raising of the siege. Every May eighth, the people have set aside that day in remembrance. This has continued, for the most part, uninterrupted for 565 years! Only the tragedy of the French Revolution halted the festival. For ten years, from 1793 to 1803, the day was not celebrated. Through the urgings of Napoleon Bonaparte, the festival was reinstated in 1803 and has continued ever since through both World Wars and the German occupation! I recommend to all my readers that they attend this annual festive event at least once in their lifetime!


CHAPTER 16: In 1410 Bernard VII d' Armagnac joined with the Duke of Orleans and five other powerful nobles (Alençon, Berry, Bourbon, Brittany and Clermont) who swore to fight for the Dauphin Charles' cause to become King of France. From then on all those who were loyal to the Dauphin were known as Armagnacs.

Bernard VII had two sons. His eldest, John IV, sided with the Duke of Burgundy while his second son, Bernard VIII, sided with the Dauphin Charles.

This arrangement was not unusual because it helped to assure that the family estate would remain intact no matter which side won the conflict.

It was Bernard VIII who met Joan and later wrote her a letter asking her opinion as to whom she felt was the true Pope. At the time there were three men, all claiming to be Pope, one was in Spain another in France and the third in Rome. At her trial in Rouen Joan as asked about this and she replied that she believe the Roman Pontiff was the true Pope.



1) Although there is no direct evidence that Joan was a member of the 'Third Order of Saint Francis', there is an abundant amount of circumstantial evidence to support this claim.

1) The Franciscan influence was prevalent in the Meuse Valley between Vaucouleurs and Neufchateau.

2) In this area it was a common practice among the people to become members of the Third Order because there was no restriction on whom could join, nor was there any penalty of mortal sin if a person chose to leave.

3) Within a five mile radius around Domremy there were two Franciscan Abbeys, that of Brixey to the north and the Hermits of Saint Augustine to the south. Once a month Joan would walk the five miles to the Abbey of Brixey to receive Holy Communion with the orphans who lived there.

4) The members of the Third Order had great devotion to and love for Jesus and Mary and would honor their names. It was a common practice for the friars and nuns to place these Holy Names on their letters. Joan continued this practice in her letters. She also wore a ring inscribed with the Holy Names.

5) The members of the Third Order observed with great piety and devotions the Passion of Our Lord and the feast of the Annunciation, both of which Joan fervently observed.

6) The members attended Mass and said the 'Angelus' daily.

7) The members wore clothing made from black or gray cloth. On her journey to Chinon Joan wore a black vest and hose with a gray tunic over them.

8) The Franciscan ideals of tending the sick, feeding and clothing the poor and doing unselfish acts in order to help others found a welcome home in Joan's heart and from her youth she daily lived them out.


2) The reader should not be shocked by the idea that Joan went to the public bathhouse at Bourges. They were not places of ill repute as they are now. They served a legitimate purpose in the community. Remember that there was no indoor plumbing available in Joan's time and the people then were just as interested in bodily cleanliness as we are.

The bathhouse itself was kept warmer than domestic dwellings and provided the user with warm water for bathing, a steam room and if the customer so desired there were herbal massages available. These facilities were either just for one sex or it was divided into two sections. If a town could afford only one small bath house, then certain hours were set aside for the women to use it by themselves.


From Madam la Touroulde's testimony we know that at least for some of the time that Joan was at Bourges, Jean de Metz and Bertrand de Poulengy were still with her. After this point we never heard of Joan's faithful companions again.


CHAPTER 24: Perrinet Gressart was a Burgundian, brigandine captain who worked for the English. He and his large band of men controlled the two towns of Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier and La Charite. La Tremoille sent Joan out against Gressart with a small, ill-equipped army in hopes that she would either be killed or, at the very least, be captured by Gressart. His stated purpose was, of course, to destroy an enemy of the state. The truth of the matter was that la Tremoille had in the past been a prisoner of Gressart. The Duke had been held for a very large ransom, and so he wanted revenge on Gressart! If Joan was able to destroy Gressart and his band, all well and good. But if on the other hand, Gressart was able to kill Joan, la Tremoille would consider his ransom as payment for services rendered.


CHAPTER 25: The release from taxes for the towns of Greux and Domremy lasted until the French Revolution.



Bedford headed the 1432 siege of Lagny. Despite the larger English forces, Hugh Kennedy successfully defended and held the city for the French. In 1434 Hugh was named "Squire of the Stables" in the household of King Charles VII. The King then sent him to Scotland as French Ambassador to fetch the Princess Margaret for marriage to the Dauphin Louis.

Hugh had been a Dominican priest before absconding to France as a mercenary soldier, and during this mission for Charles VII, he petitioned Pope Eugene IV for his ban of excommunication to be lifted, which Holy Father granted. He then returned to the priesthood as an Augustinian Canon Regular in the Monastery of St John at Sens. He was given the Provostship of the Chapel Royal in St Andrews by King James of Scotland, and in later years became Treasurer of Glasgow, Archdeacon of St Andrews, and counselor to the kings of Scotland and France. Hugh died in 1454.

(Jean Brittain, biographer of Hugh Kennedy of Ardstinchar)



Historically speaking we know that de Flavy, despite his defensive preparations, did nothing to help Joan but ordered the gate closed preventing her rescue.

Bartholomew BARETTA was Joan's Second-in-Command at Compiegne and as such he headed the rearguard of Joan's forces. It was because of this position in the field that he and his men were able to enter the city before de Flavy ordered the drawbridge raised. , In 1448 and 1449, Bartholomew Baretta fought in the service of the French at the town of Touraine and in Normandy.

Later in life, the Duke of Orléans made Sir Jean FOUCAULT, Lord of Saint-Germain-Beaupré, Provost of the town of Asti, which is near Milan, Italy. He died there circa 1465.

Ambroise de LORÉ (* c.1396, † 1446). After the liberation of Paris in 1436 he was named Provost of the city. He died on 24th May 1446.


CHAPTER 30: Joan's protector, Dame de Beaurevoir, died on November 13, 1430. The Count de Luxembourg, after claming his inheritance, let no time pass before he contacted the English. Dame de Beaurevoir was not cold in her grave before Joan was sold to the English for 10,000 gold livres. At the time this was a King's ransom and enough money to buy at least six hundred horses. In modern terms each gold livres is equal to the price of one ounce of gold. She was handed over to Bishop Cauchon and the English guard on November 23, 1430.


CHAPTER 32: The English and Burgundian churchmen of the University of Paris, whose power and authority rivaled that even of Rome, considered Joan to be a heretic and a witch. They felt that she could not have accomplished what she did by ordinary means, but that she needed supernatural help and that help came from Satan! They reached this conclusion because their theology was interwoven with their politics. A challenge to their political beliefs was a challenge to their ecclesiastical authority and religious beliefs and Joan had made such a challenge.

The Bishop of Beauvais, Pierre Cauchon, claimed that Joan had been captured within his jurisdiction and diocese. This claim was totally unfounded, as the town of Margny was within either the boundaries of the diocese of Soissons or Toul (Modern scholars cannot find a clear boundary line between these dioceses at the time Joan was captured). Bishop Cauchon was a former rector of the University of Paris and one of the staunchest defenders of the idea of a dual monarchy, ie, the Kingdoms of France and England were one entity. Besides he had a personal score to settle with Joan. Because of her victories and the coronation of King Charles, the faction favorable to King Charles had forced him twice to flee for his life, first from the city of Reims and again from the city of Beauvais. He therefore harbored a bitter resentment toward Joan and undertook the work of this trial as a labor of love that was revenge. Finally, Bishop Cauchon was an extremely ambitious man. He had his eyes on the Archbishop's seat of Rouen, which had been vacant for a long time. The power of this seat rivaled even that of the Archbishop of Reims himself. The English, seeing his greed for this position, used it to gain his help in trying Joan. They dangled it before him as a possible reward for a job well done. Cauchon promised to hold a model trial that would swiftly and surely give the English the verdict they wanted, death by fire. The English took no chances on the outcome of the trial. To the English Joan was nothing more or less than a witch, which Bedford called, "a lyme (lamb) of the Feende (Satan) and a demon in fair human guise, something to be execrated, tortured and burned." In the letter that surrendered Joan to the Bishop of Beauvais, Bedford specifically stated: "It is our intention to recover and take back to ourselves this Joan, if it occurs that she is not convicted... of the case of heresy..."

Now, the English wanted Joan's death right from the moment they first laid eyes on her. The English in Normandy forced the French people there, through the payment of a heavy tax, to raise the money necessary to buy "Jehanne, la Pucelle, said to be a witch and certainly a military personage, leader of the hosts of the Dauphin." In the document used to purchase Joan from the Count of Luxembourg, the English call Joan, "a prisoner of war." As such they should have tried her in a civil 'political' court of law. The English did not want to do this, because even if she was convicted in a civil court of law they could only keep her in prison and there in private have her assassinated. Bedford meant to kill Joan, but it had to be done in such a way that he could obtain his two objectives: the disposal of Joan and the discrediting of King Charles. He knew the only way to do this was to use the Church, that is, the authority of the University of Paris. If the Church tried her as a witch and a heretic, conviction meant death by fire. That would dispose of her and would discredit Charles. If they could condemn Joan as a witch, then it would look as if Charles had obtained his crown through witchcraft and his title and claim to the French thrown would be invalid. Bedford then could easily have his six-year-old nephew, Henry VI, who was already King of England, crowned and anointed as true King of France and of England.

Joan was moved from Beaurevoir to Arras, then to Drugy, to St. Valery, to Eu and to Dieppe. Finally, she arrived at Rouen a few days before Christmas. In all her long journey to those many castles and towns, the people flocked to see her, for she had so fired the imaginations of the common people. All went away greatly moved with pity for her.


The cell in which she was held was hexagonal in shape and about twenty feet in diameter. It was a cold, dark and damp place with only two narrow slits in the wall for ventilation. The room was almost bare, except for a few wooden stools for the three guards and Joan's bed. Two other guards were posted outside the cell's door.

She had a hay filled mat on top of a wooden pallet to sit and sleep upon. During the day when she was in the courtroom her feet were fettered together by a short length of strong, heavy chain, allowing her to take only short, halting steps. Whenever Joan was in her cell, manacles were applied to her wrists, an iron belt to her waist and two pairs of irons to her legs. A heavy chain thread through her leg irons and iron belt was secured by a lock to her manacles. The end of this same chain was fastened to a great piece of wood located at the foot of her bed. In this way her movements were greatly limited and she could not move from her bed. In such conditions as these Joan was forced to sleep every night. If the English had had a worse hole to put her in, I am sure they would have used it!

Joan endured the irons, the chains, and the hideous treatment of the guards because she refused to swear that she would not try to escape. This is one more example of her matchless courage. For five months she bore these intolerable things rather than give her faith to any man, rather than abandon the chance of resuming her work for God.

The men who guarded her were cruel and brutal. They constantly bullied, mistreated and taunted her with threats of being burned at the stake, while making intimidating moves toward her, suggesting that they might beat, or worse, rape her. She was always afraid of being raped by these animals and so she slept very little. When she did, her sleep was fitful and easily disturbed.

Her worst fears were realized when, for no apparent reason, the three guards attacked her in a full-fledged rape attempt. Joan fought them off with all her strength. She kicked and scratched at their faces. She pulled out clumps of their hair, and fought with such ferocity that they were forced to retreat. The Earl of Warwick heard about the attack and reprimanded the men and replaced two of them. He strictly commanded them never to attack her physically, but he said nothing about verbal abuse or cruel teasing. He did this not out of love, and certainly not to preserve Joan's virginity. He did it out of fear that she might not survive an attack. He wanted a living person to burn not a dead one. Thus, the guards resorted to cruel jokes. Their favorite one was to awaken Joan from sleep and threaten her with immediate burning.


Listed below are twenty- three reasons why I believe Joan's trial was invalid from its conception right through to its tragic end.

1) Joan should have been housed in an ecclesiastical prison guarded by women.

2) Cauchon's authority was in the diocese of Beauvais, not Rouen.

3) The alleged crimes committed by Joan were never committed in the diocese of Beauvais. Therefore, Cauchon had no right to sit in judgment over her.

4) Cauchon's trial should never have happened because her earlier trial at Poitiers headed by the Archbishop of Reims who was Cauchon's direct superior, declared her to be acceptable in the eyes of the Church. Therefore the authority of the Poitiers court career was greater than that of Rouen.

5) Cauchon's court suppressed the findings of the Poitiers court.

6) Cauchon also suppressed the favorable findings obtained at Domremy and elsewhere.

7) Cauchon suppressed the favorable findings obtained by the Duchess of Bedford that Joan was in fact a virgin, and therefore could not be accused of being a witch or of witchcraft! (It was legally necessary that the findings of the above points, i.e. 5, 6, and 7 were to be made part of the trial record. These findings were not publicly produced, nor were they included in the official record, thus making the trial invalid.)

8) If Cauchon's court failed to condemn Joan, in all justice, she would have to be set free. The English would have taken her back and not set her free.

9) Bishop Cauchon and the English had already decided the outcome of the trial before the trial ever began.

10) The judges and churchmen who participated in the trial were either pro-English, were paid by them, or feared them. This made them unfit to sit in judgment of her.

11) The members of the court were not free to give their honest opinions.

12) The charges filed against her were either totally false, gross distortions, or half-truths.

13) Joan on more than one occasion was judged on the evidence of persons who had never confronted her and whose names were unknown to her.

14) Since King Charles was implicated in the trial, he or his representative should have been called to give evidence.

15) No counsel was called to help Joan answer the court's questions.

16) The English and/or Cauchon threatened with imprisonment or death any one who tried to assist Joan in answering the questions put before her.

17) The court tried to harass and browbeat Joan by asking her subtle and difficult questions in rapid succession without giving her time to answer.

18) The questions were purposely mixed and confused so as to entrap her in contradictions.

19) Trials in Joan's time were generally not orderly procedures. Joan had up to fifty-seven judges hearing her case. The judge had the right to ask her a question at any time and Joan was expected to answer all their questions. Before she could answer one question, another judge would ask her another, while still another would interrupt that judge. Her replies were interrupted at almost every word and the secretaries of the English King recorded her replies as they pleased. Manchon, the chief court clerk, had stated that he would give up his position as court clerk if this chaos was not stopped.

The ability of Joan's mind to answer all their subtle questions as well as she did is miraculous! Not only was she able to avoid their traps but she was also able to remember all the questions that were asked her throughout the trial! This feat of memory alone is astonishing and worthy of praise and contemplation.

20) The court tampered with the records of the trial. They ordered the chief clerk, Father Manchon, to change the phrasing of her answers or to set down garbled testimony or omit answers that did not please the court. This he refused to do. The court decided instead to conceal scribes in an adjacent room to write down her answers without her explanations. They wrote down those replies that showed her in a bad light, while ignoring her favorable replies.

21) They denied her request to be taken to Rome, which was her legal right of appeal.

22) By condemning Joan, with broad legal charges, the court showed itself to be vindictive and fanatical in their condemnation of her. They were not interested in finding out the truth in defense of the Church, but only in doing the bidding of their political masters, the English. The Church can accuse a person of being an Idolater: one who worships idols, and an Apostate: someone who once was a Christian but now no longer believes in Christ. The Church can accuse a person of being a Schismatic: believes in Christ but does not want to be under the authority of the Holy Father. A Heretic: believes in Christ but not in all the doctrines of the Catholic Church. When Joan's court accused her of all the above charges, it showed itself to be illogical, as these charges are mutually exclusive.

23) All during her trial Joan was refused permission to go to Mass and receive Holy Communion. She was even prevented from praying before the entrance of the castle's chapel! Yet after Joan was wrongly condemned to burn at the stake and was technically excommunicated from the Church, Bishop Cauchon granted Joan permission to receive Holy Communion. This was a grievous mortal sin committed on his part, for if he truly believed Joan guilty of heresy and witchcraft, he was obligated to protect the Blessed Sacrament from sacrilege. Thus, he was guilty of desecrating the Blessed Sacrament. If on the other hand, he did not believe the court's verdict, than he was guilty of murder for condemning an innocent woman to death.

Perhaps, he tried to justify in his own mind, his decision to allow Joan to receive Holy Communion by erroneously assuming that when she went to confession before her death, she had confessed all the charges levied against her. If he did this, he was only deceiving himself and would still be culpable before God!

I strongly suspect that this problem he had with his conscience over Joan's receiving Holy Communion before she died caused him to create the false June 7th document in which he portrays Joan as having confessed to her crimes.


CHAPTER 38 - 1) Every year in Rouen on the anniversary of Joan's death, young girls dressed in white assemble on the spot where her ashes were cast into the river. In memory of Joan the girls throw flowers into the water.


2) In France by 1910, there were 20,000 statues of Joan in churches and public places, not counting all the stained glass windows!